However, these technologies have also created numerous options for non-traditional kinship and family formations, including genetically related gay families, postmenopausal motherhood, and posthumous reproduction using the cryopreserved gametes (sperm or eggs) of a dead mother or father ( Inhorn and Birenbaum-Carmeli, 2008). Yet, across the region, clerics, in dialogue with clinicians and patients, have paved the way for ART practices that have had significant implications for Middle Eastern kinship and family life.Īround the world, assisted reproductive technology (ART) has been used primarily by heterosexual married couples to overcome the problem of infertility. Local considerations – be they social, cultural, economic, religious or political – have shaped the ways in which ART treatments are offered to, and received by, infertile couples in different parts of the Middle East. The permissions and restrictions on ART, often determined by religious decrees, may lead to counter-intuitive outcomes, many of which defy prevailing stereotypes about which parts of the Middle East are more 'progressive' or 'conservative'. This four-way comparison reveals considerable similarities, as well as stark differences, in matters of Middle Eastern kinship and assisted reproduction. The broader Shia-Sunni divide in the region, exemplified by the conflicts in places like Syria, has at times put them at odds.This article compares the use of assisted reproductive technology (ART) and resultant kinship formations in four Middle Eastern settings: the Sunni Muslim Arab world, the Sunni Muslim but officially 'secular' country of Turkey, Shia Muslim Iran and Jewish Israel. While these sectarian differences have not always impeded their cooperation, they have led to underlying tensions. Hamas is predominantly Sunni, whereas Iran is Shia. However, despite this shared adversarial view of Israel, ideological and sectarian differences have sometimes strained the relationship. Iran has been a significant benefactor to Hamas, providing funds, weapons, and training, especially to its military wing, the Izz ad-Din al-Qassam Brigades. This shared perspective has been a cornerstone of their collaboration. Iran and Hamas have shared common interests and adversaries, particularly in their opposition to Israel. Qatar often acts as a mediator in conflicts. On one hand, it maintains relations with Israel, and on the other, it supports Hamas, offering financial aid to the Gaza Strip. However, the Bahraini government is careful in balancing its newfound ties with Israel and its historical support for Palestinian rights. Like the UAE, Bahrain also normalised relations with Israel in 2020. While the UAE acknowledges and builds economic ties with Israel, it still voices concerns over the Palestinian issue and supports a two-state solution. The UAE took a significant step by normalising relations with Israel in 2020 through the Abraham Accords in 2020. Saudi Arabia's official stance remains in support of a two-state solution and the rights of the Palestinian people. Recently, there were hints of a thaw in Israeli-Saudi relations, but the Israel-Hamas conflict in October 2023 complicated matters. Historically, Saudi Arabia has not had formal diplomatic relations with Israel and has been a staunch supporter of the Palestinian cause. With the October 7 attack, this front also could open up with Israel. While direct confrontations have been limited in recent years, Syria remains anti-Israel in its official policies and rhetoric. Syria supports the Palestinian cause and has housed Palestinian refugee camps for decades. Syria and Israel have historically been adversaries, with the Golan Heights being a major point of contention. In 2006, an international war broke out between the two countries that led to over 1,100 dead in Lebanon and over 200 dead in Israel. Hezbollah has a stronghold in the south of the country which borders Israel. Lebanon and Israel are technically in a state of war. The border front has already opened up with Israel and there have been bombings and rocket attacks between the militant group and Israeli forces. And many Hezbollah supporters and sympathisers find themselves in leadership positions in the political spectrum of the country. The Lebanese government's stance is also pro-Palestinian, with no diplomatic ties with Israel.
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